Friday, June 10, 2011

Jeram Estate Kuantan Tamil school in shipping container has to beg racist UMNO for even a six classroom school.

cabin school



This Tamil school was moved temporarily into shipping containers when the estate came up for development.
As usual what is temporary became a permanent but temporary structure for 12 long years with the view to the racist and religious supremacist UMNO “ethnically cleansing” this Tamil school and all 523 Tamil schools nationwide one at a time to avoid detection.
(see Malaysian Nanban 7/6/2011 at page 5)
Karunai Nithi @ Compassionate Justice
jeram

Thursday, June 9, 2011

Wednesday, June 8, 2011

History education in M’sia: Deep roots of contestation

history-misBy  Dr Lim Teck Ghee

Most Malaysians – including members of the specially appointed government committee to review the history curriculum – may not be aware of the deep roots of the current controversy on the narrow religious and ethno-nationalistic approach that has come to dominate history education in the country.  The following essay provides information on two studies that have examined the roots of the contestation on history education, especially with regard to the history curriculum developed for schools and the assigned textbooks. 1

Santhiram’s work: Textbooks that divide 

The earliest academic study on the subject was undertaken by Dr R. Santhiram.  The study published in 1997 is a pioneering attempt at examining the extent to which the educational system – as exemplified in the curriculum and textbooks – was reflective of a multiracial and multicultural society. 2 Focusing on selected lower secondary school textbooks and using quantitative content analysis and qualitative strategies, the paper’s general conclusion was that while some textbooks provided curriculum content appropriate for a multicultural society, others had concentrated heavily on majority race identity. 
3
Santhiram’s study covered four subject areas – English Language, Bahasa Malaysia, Moral Education and History – and his findings on all of them are useful. However, his conclusions on the history component are of special interest because of their relevance to the situation today.  This is what he had to write about the assigned textbook, KBSM Sejarah Tingkatan 2, authored by Zainal Abidin Abdul Wahid, Khoo Kay Kim, Muhammad Yusof Ibrahim and D.S. Ranjit Singh (Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1989).
4
Santhiram noted:

To be sure, the focus here is on Malaysian national history. The main players on the political scene are Malay rulers and the indigenous people and the history focuses on their responses to western incursions and domination. As such, a major part of the History textbook highlights these matters. The text deals mainly with political issues and to a certain extent provoke pupils to think about the weaknesses of the Malay states that led to British intervention. 

Topics on economic development, growth of towns, development of infrastructure and development of education tend to give an overview of historical continuity and progress with a very strong Malay bias. However, it is important to mention here that evidence of stereotyping mentioned in some earlier works on the analysis of textbook material seem to have been corrected in this book (Mukherjee et al., 1984). The contention then was that the history textbooks as a whole focused primarily on one ethnic group – the Malays – at the expense of other ethnic groups in Sabah and Sarawak. Superficial coverage was given to the historical background and sociocultural aspects of non-indigenous groups. Instances of stereotyping of the races and misleading statements on non-indigenous ethnic groups were recorded in that research. These and other shortcomings were cited as a hindrance to the promotion of national unity (pp.16-32).

In relation to the crucial educational objective as defined by the Ministry of Education of inculcating and nurturing national consciousness through fostering common ideals, values, aspirations and loyalties in order to mould national unity and national identity in a multi-ethnic society, Santhiram expressed disappointment with the book’s contents. According to him:

In this book, topics that give an understanding of the origins of the multiracial society and their contributions are dealt with very peripherally, though Chinese involvement in tin disputes is dealt with within the context of internecine disputes of the Malay nobility.

Circumstances of Chinese and Indian migration in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are not adequately explained. The only reference to Indian involvement in the rubber industry is a three-sentence acknowledgement which goes like this: "European planters preferred to use Indian labour" (p.127) and "Indian labour was brought in to work in rubber estates. Many Indians settled in this country in the 1910s and 1920s" (p.128). There is a page devoted to the development of Tamil schools which reinforces the fact that these schools are for the poor Indians (p.173) and a three-paragraph reference to Indian political activities (p.210).

In his conclusion on the history curriculum and textbook, Santhiram had this to say
Recognition of the evolution of the plural society and the contribution of non-indigenous communities in Malaysia has to be reexamined with a view to providing a balanced account… . One cannot wish away the realities of the past by ignoring them. Surely, Malay nationalistic fervour has to be highlighted to instill a sense of belonging to the nation. But a sense of belonging has to be promoted among all ethnic groups. 

He further noted:
The non-Malays have come to play an important role in Malaysian affairs in the past 100 years. Their contribution has to be acknowledged and highlighted, instead of making only footnote references to their presence. It has to be stressed that the Chinese and Indians are not detachable appendages but integral constituents of the Malaysian society. How can a people develop a sense of common historical experience and a sense of belonging to the nation if they feel alienated and marginalised and no recognition is made to their participation in the life of the country?

Cheah’s work: Ethno-nationalist victory in rewriting history 

Santhiram’s study approached the subject of the national curriculum and textbooks from the discipline of education.  Another scholar, Cheah Boon Kheng, approached the subject from the discipline of history.

Writing in the American Asian Review in 2003 5 , Cheah noted that “History, ethnicity and nation-building are not only related issues, but also controversial and sensitive ones in the politics of Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society.” In his study, unlike Santhiram who used the technique of content analysis of textbooks to arrive at his findings, Cheah relied on a selection of primary and secondary materials to arrive at his findings and conclusions.  He also delved further into the country’s political history to trace the developments that have influenced history writing.

According to Cheah, government policy aimed at making Malay history as the basis of national history and Malay culture as the basis of national culture followed the decisions adopted by several Malay groups at a National Culture Congress in 1971. Another key milestone took place in 1987 when the then Minister for Education, Anwar Ibrahim, instructed that the school history curriculum be revised to make it explicitly clear that the present day Malay political primacy was based on Malay history and on the premise that Malays were “the original inhabitants” and that their position could not be challenged.

Cheah also noted that in spite of Malay political dominance, other indigenous ethnic groups have tried to ensure that their communities’ own historical roles were not obliterated. His study provides examples of attempts during the past 40 years by various individuals and groups to contest the Malay-centric and politically biased history.  These attempts included that of the country’s founding father and first prime minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman who complained that a book used as a text book for the schools “was obviously an attempt to put party politics above the historical facts” and “did not give proper emphasis to the important incidents and events [including his own role] which led to independence.” 6 According to Cheah, in the foreword to the Tunku’s own memoirs, Looking Back , the father of the country’s independence wrote:

One academic writer did write a book in Malay on Malaysia’s Independence, a work which was actually distributed to schools for our boys and girls to read, but the author had completely omitted to associate me with events leading to Independence.”

Other attempts at contestation of the official version of the country’s history emerging from Malay ethno-nationalist pressure included complaints by Sabah and Sarawak representatives at a national curriculum committee meeting in 1987 that Malaysian history textbooks tended to be too peninsula-biased” and that “to foster national integration, West Malaysians should also learn the histories of Sarawak and Sabah.”

More prolonged resistance to the official rewriting of Malaysia’s history, according to Cheah, has come from the Chinese community.  This resistance – which continues in a weakened form today - has been waged especially in response to attempts by Malay politicians and authorities to deny the crucial role of Kapitan Yap Ah Loy as Kuala Lumpur’s leading founder.  Other topics of contestation include key political events such as the constitutional provisions for Malays and non-Malays prior to independence in 1957 and the portrayal of the Japanese occupation period in Malaysian history.

With reference to the latter topic, Cheah has argued that the case of Malaysian textbooks that relate to Malaysia’s official memory of the Second World War “is somewhat similar to the Japanese government’s amnesia about Japan’s wartime atrocities during the Second World War.” In his view, the latest Malaysian history textbook (1992) reflects the government’s stand on the Japanese occupation of the country.  It is tied up with Malaysia’s internal and international politics. Malay political primacy requires an agenda to highlight Malay wartime roles and experiences over that of other communities, and to accord recognition to Japan’s wartime support of Malay nationalist aspirations.

The task ahead in reviewing ‘official’ history 

The guidance from Santhiram’s and Cheah’s work – though written some years ago – are important to bear in mind in relation to the current controversy over the history curriculum and textbooks as well as the parallel controversy over Interlok, the assigned exam text for the literature component in the Bahasa Melayu compulsory pass subject.

Santhiram is of the view that in a textbook-driven curriculum environment like Malaysia’s, it is imperative that clear guidelines be given to textbook writers to incorporate elements of material that will help foster images and forms that will shape experiences positively in terms of national unity goals. Careful thought has to be given to the area of textbook writing so that the content does not work against nationally declared goals and aspirations. But guidelines are not enough especially if the interpreters and implementers of the guidelines are drawn from one racial group and when representatives from other racial groups are added on, their roles are mainly to provide the fig leaf of legitimacy and cover up for biased and ethno-centric products.

Cheah’s conclusion was blunter and appears – for now – to be prophetic in discerning future developments. He noted that “the struggle for equal historical space and place by ethnic minorities in Malaysia has been argued on the basis of multiculturalism, i.e., the idea that different, disadvantaged minorities and cultural groups in society have equally valid perspectives on historical truth.”

Whilst recognizing that it is necessary “to empower these groups in the face of the dominant concept of historical truth held by the ruling ethnic group”, he realistically noted that “if the grounds used to prefer one vision or one interpretation of the past over another are political and if the persuasiveness of a historical interpretation is simply a matter of the power of its advocates within society and within the historical profession, then it does not follow at all that history is necessarily a democratic, fair or tolerant enterprise.”

Reflecting his pessimism, Cheah concluded that “[t]he controversies over Malaysian history textbooks have focused largely over the issue of national history textbooks being easily indoctrinated or manipulated by the ruling ethnic group, or by state-commissioned historians for mainly political interests – usually in the interests of ethno-nationalism, in favour of the majority ethnic group, the Malays, over the others.”

It is evident that the struggle for a democratic, fair and representative history in Malaysia will be a long and protracted one with the odds stacked in favour of the ruling establishment and their well rewarded apologists.

Now that another opportunity has emerged in the recent decision to review the history curriculum, it is imperative that Malaysians from all communities rouse themselves from their stupor and come together to correct past wrongs. Working to ensure that the full complexity and richness of our history – rather than a caricature of our past – is reflected in the curriculum and textbooks has to be a collective and multiracial responsibility if it is to have any hope of success.

*******************
Footnote:
1 The book, Glimpses of Malaysian history, was a collection of essays by Malaysian historians and was edited by Zainal Abidin bin Wahid and published by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.
2 See R. Santhiram, “Curriculum Materials for National Integration in Malaysia – Match or Mismatch”, Asia Pacific Journal of Education Volume 17, Issue 2, 1997, pp.7-18
3 For his analysis, Santhiram posed two questions to provide a general direction for analysing the curriculum materials. They were as follows: 1) To what extent do these textbooks help promote the development of national unity among the various races with specific reference to the Indians? 2) To what extent do these textbooks provide suitable role models for the minority ethnic groups, especially the Indians, to emulate?
Based on these two questions, the analysis concentrated on visual presentation, focus and themes in the stories and passages and the depth of treatment given to racial, cultural and religious diversity. Conspicuous stereotyping and omissions which would reinforce the identification of race with occupations and promote prejudice were also noted and assessment was also made of positive values and attitudes that were inculcated.
4 All four authors involved in writing this book came from academia with the first two being professors of History at Malaysian universities, and the other two, lecturers in local universities.
5 Cheah Boon Kheng, “Ethnicity, Politics and History Textbook Controversies in Malaysia”, Vol. XXI, No.4, Winter, 2003, pp.229-52.

Mahendran: "Pemaju lebih besar kuasanya dari Menteri Besar Selangor?"

7 laporan polis terhadap PM, TPM dan Menteri Pengajian Tinggi

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

‘I want my flat or I’ll stay here till I die’

The two longhouse residents who had their homes demolished vow to stay near the rubble until developer delivers on pledge
PETALING JAYA: The two residents of PJS 1 longhouses, whose homes were demolished last Friday, vowed to stay put at the site until a promise made to them by the developer is honoured.

V Mahalingam, a 56-year-old disabled man and A Pushparani are living in a makeshift tent where their homes once stood pledged to stay put until Peter Brickworks provides them the low cost flat it promised eight years ago.

“I want my flat. If not I will stay here until I die,” said Mahalingam, a 56-year old disabled. “Life as a disabled is hard enough and Peter Brickworks has made it worse for me. They must answer for the misery I’m going through.”

After nearly a week-long tussle with the residents, Petaling Jaya City Hall (MBPJ) and the state government, Peter Brickworks ignored numerous pleas and demolished their homes on June 3.
Mahalingam and Pushparani received eviction orders from the developer on May 23 and given a seven-day deadline to make way for a condominium project.

The eviction was postponed after MBPJ issued a stop-work order against Peter Brickworks in an attempt to compel the developer to find an amicable solution with the residents.

Mahalingam said today that the MBPJ had offered him a low cost flat at Lembah Subang on June 1 but he rejected the offer because it was a temporary solution to his predicament.

“Lembah Subang is too far away. I receive medications from a nearby medical facility. How am I to travel all the way from there to PJS 1 if I take up the unit there?”asked Mahalingam.

As both he and his wife S Tamilchelvi were not working, Mahalingam said he relied a lot on assistance from friends and well-wishers who live near PJS 1. Tamilchelvi, 53, is partially blind.

“I also receive monthly provisions from a nearby spiritual organisation. Who will help me in Lembah Subang?” asked Mahalingam, who gets a monthly RM110 from the Welfare Department.

Mahalingam said he had no other place to go. “We have a son but we lost contact after he got married four years ago,” said Mahalingam who was reluctant to delve into the matter.

Pushparani, 44, lamented that the developer went ahead with the demolition despite promising not to at a meeting with Selangor state exco Iskandar Abdul Samad on June 2.

“We can only hope that the state government will help us now,” said a teary Pushparani.

‘We fear for our safety’

Pushparani, who ekes out living ferrying children to school by a mini van to make ends meet said she had to send her six children to stay with friends.

“My husband V Balakrishnan and I now camp out in the makeshift tent or in our van,” said Pushparani.

She added that she also feared for her safety as several unidentified men were lurking around the area where their homes once stood.

“I hold Peter Brickworks responsible should anything untoward happen to us,” said Pushparani.

Residents action committee chairman, M Sugumaran, said he received a text message from Iskandar this morning saying the state government would seize the land from Peter Brickworks.

During a walkabout this morning, FMT team saw two individuals taking pictures of the makeshift tent of the two families and the FMT journalists.

Sugumaran said that one of them was the general manager of Peter Brickworks while the other was the project manager of the condominium project.

Sugumaran urged the state government to speedily provide alternative housing for the residents, especially for Mahalingam.

“I also hope the state assemblyman (Haniza Talha) and the MP for Petaling Jaya Selatan Hee Loy Sean will continue with their effort to assist the residents,” said Sugumaran.

In a latest development, Sugumaran said several men started baricading the area with wire fencing around the demolished area at about 2pm.

Meanwhile, Iskandar, who is in charge of the state housing portfolio, said that the state would acquire the three plots of land at the site because of Peter Brickworks’ defiance.

“The mentri besar (Abdul Khalid Ibrahim) had instructed state secretary Khusrin Munawi to acquire the plots under state laws on Friday,” said Iskandar.

However, Iskandar could not confirm whether the notice has been issued to the developer.

Another example of how the UMNOPutra’s operate behind the scenes.

Haris Onn Hussein is well connected – his cousin is the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, and his brother is Home Affairs Minister Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, who is expected in Canberra soon to sign the deal under which Australia will transfer 800 asylum seekers to Malaysia and accept 4000 refugees in return.
By Richard Baker and Nick McKenzie, The Age.Melbourne
THE Reserve Bank firm Securency hired a company owned by a close relative of Malaysia’s Prime Minister and Home Affairs Minister – the two men with whom the Gillard government is negotiating to swap asylum seekers – to help win banknote contracts.
The revelation comes amid growing sensitivity within the federal government about the Australian Federal Police investigation of Securency and the potential for Australia’s international relations to be harmed if foreign officials allegedly linked to the RBA firm’s bribes are named.
The Age has learned that Securency signed Kuala Lumpur firm Liberal Technology as its Malaysian agent in 2009. The biggest individual shareholder in Liberal Technology is businessman Haris Onn Hussein.
Haris Onn Hussein is well connected – his cousin is the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, and his brother is Home Affairs Minister Hishammuddin Tun Hussein, who is expected in Canberra soon to sign the deal under which Australia will transfer 800 asylum seekers to Malaysia and accept 4000 refugees in return.
Securency hired Haris Onn Hussein in the hope he would offer it access to, and influence over, Malaysia’s top politicians.
It is a common in parts of Asia for the relatives of politicians to be hired by foreign companies as agents.
The Age understands that some officials in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and other agencies are keen for the AFP not to identify certain foreign dignitaries or their relatives who are alleged to be linked to Securency in order to protect Australia’s broader overseas interests.
Securency, half-owned and supervised by the Reserve Bank, has for two years been investigated by the AFP and the British Serious Fraud Office for allegedly bribing public officials in Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia and Nigeria to win banknote supply contracts.
Under Australian law, it is a criminal offence for a company or individual to pay, or offer a benefit to, a foreign government official or their close relatives to obtain a business advantage.
Australia is yet to prosecute a foreign bribery case, but Securency – which has four RBA-appointed directors on its board – may be the first, given the two-year AFP investigation and the arrest and questioning of some employees and agents last year. No charges have yet been laid.
Haris Onn Hussein and Hishammuddin Tun Hussein are political royalty in Malaysia. Their father, the late Tun Hussein Onn, was Malaysia’s prime minister between 1976 and 1981. He was succeeded as prime minister by Mahathir Mohamad. Their grandfather, Dato Onn Jaafar, was the founder of Malaysia’s ruling United Malays National Organisation political party.
Hishammuddin Tun Hussein is vice president of UMNO.
Haris Onn Hussein owns shares in or sits on the board of several companies that have benefited from Malaysian government concessions.
In 2006, the Malaysian finance ministry told cigarette and alcohol manufacturers that they would need to buy security labels provided by Haris Onn Hussein’s Liberal Technology to legally sell their products. Haris Onn Hussein is also associated with a company given a 34-year concession to operate a major Malaysian toll road.
Under Securency’s corporate structure, its board should have been informed and approved of Mr Haris Onn’s company being signed as an agent.
The Age can also reveal Securency engaged Malaysian state MP and a former UMNO branch treasurer, Dato Abdullah Hasnan Kamaruddin, as another agent. Mr Kamaruddin was the UNMO party treasurer in Dr Mahathir’s home state of Kedah, a position that gave him substantial influence.
Despite engaging the extremely well-connected Liberal Technology as agent in 2009, Securency is believed not to have won any further banknote supply contracts.
The company won its last major Malaysian contract in 2004. At that time, Mr Razak was the country’s defence minister and Hishammuddin Tun Hussein the education minister. It also won a smaller contract in 1998.
The Age is not suggesting Mr Razak nor Hishammuddin Tun Hussein were involved in Securency’s deals.
The company’s 1998 and 2004 contracts involved another Malaysian agent, businessman, arms broker and former UMNO official, Abdul Kayum Syed Ahmad.
He has since been arrested and questioned by Malaysia’s Anti-Corruption Commission over the Securency deals and his use of commissions paid by the RBA firms.
The AFP began investigating Securency in May 2009 after The Age revealed its payment of tens-of-millions-of-dollars in commissions to politically connected middlemen to win contracts in Nigeria, Vietnam and India.
The company wired millions of dollars into tax haven bank accounts in an effort to conceal the beneficiaries of its payments in an apparent breach of the RBA’s rules.
The AFP and Britain’s Serious Fraud Office have conducted several raids on the offices of Securency and its British half-owner, Innovia Films. Properties owned by serving and former executives and agents have been raided and several arrests made. No charges have been laid yet.
Securency’s managing director, Myles Curtis, and chief financial officer, John Ellery, were forced out of the company in March last year. Securency’s deputy chairman, English businessman Bill Lowther, resigned in October following his arrest by the Serious Fraud Office.
RBA governor Glenn Stevens has defended his bank’s appointees who have chaired and sat on the Securency board since 1996, telling a federal parliamentary committee in November that he had not seen any evidence to suggest they had acted inappropriately.
The RBA plans to sell Securency.
EDITOR’S NOTE:

Dato’ Haris Onn Bin Tun Hussein
is also a Director of Scomi Berhad
Dato’ Haris Onn, a Malaysian, is an Independent Non-Executive Drector of the Company and was appointed to the Board on 5 April 2006.  Dato’ Haris Onn graduated from Cambridge University, United Kingdom, with a Bachelor of Art Degree in Economics. 
Dato’ Haris Onn started his working career with Touche Ross & Co, London, an accounting firm, in 1989.  In 1992, Dato’ Haris Onn returned to Malaysia to work with D & C Sakura Merchant Bankers Berhad (now known as RHB Investment Bank Berhad) and he subsequently joined Rohas Sdn Bhd as the General Manager.  Dato’ Haris Onn then became a director of Bell & Order Berhad (now known as Scomi Engineering Bhd) in 1996.  Currently Dato’ Haris Onn is the Managing Director of Konsortium Lebuhraya Utara-Timur KL Sdn Bhd and the Chairman of Lembah Sari Sdn Bhd (formerly known as Liberal Technology Sdn Bhd).  Other Malaysian public company in which he is a director is Shangri-La Hotels (Malaysia) Berhad. 
Dato’ Haris Onn is a member of Audit and Risk Management Committee of the Board.

Sunday, June 5, 2011

PKR Selangor “play acting”, demolishes disabled Indian poor and partially blind wife’s home. Kampong Muniandy “ethnically cleansed”.


Despite Human Rights Party ’s (HRP) SOS letter to PKR Menteri Besar Tan sri Khalid Ibrahim way back in March 2011 at Parliament House, today the Selangor PKR Government allowed the UMNO linked developers actually demolish even a disabled Indian poor old man Mahalinggam Veeriah’s and his partially blind jobless wife Pushparani Balakrishnan home.

Just observe the similar fact evidence between this case and how the DAP Penang in collaboration with UMNO Neusmetro “ethnically cleansed” Kampong Buah Pala, the last traditional Indian village in Penang.

Last week the racist PKR Selangor Menteri Besar like racist Lim Guan Eng play acted that a stop work order had been issued against Peter Brickworks but on a day to day basis the building works are going on under the PKR Menteri Besar’s watchful eyes.

Then his racist DAP Exco Ronnie Liu, Exco Iskandar and PKR MP Hee Loy Sian and ADUN Hanizah all kosong “turun padang”. (Note DAP Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng similarly promised to get a High Court Order to stop the transfer of the Kampong Buah Pala land to UMNO’s Neusmetro based on the trust the Brown family gave the Indian poor of Kampong Buah Pala.

And in today’s Malaysiakini.com (4/6/2011) this very same PKR Selangor M.B. says that the Selangor Government would kosong seize Peter Brickwork’s land.

And after the dust settles down, PKR would get their coffers and pockets filled like how Lim Guan Eng got the new DAP head quarters on the Kampong Buah Pala “blood money” and “tears money” in addition to his pocket filled.

Win win win for PKR, DAP and the UMNO developers yet again.
And lose lose lose for the Indian poor who are politically and economically weak, vulnerable and the soft targets.

Karunainithi @ Compassionate Justice
(Malysiakini.com 4/6/2011 & Malaysia Nanban 4/6/2011 front page)
New Scan-20110604154503-00001

Saturday, June 4, 2011

PJS1 longhouses demolished.. disabled man homeless

PSD scholarship denied to 2,237 Indians HRP NS lodges police report

sivakumar on PSd police report at seremban
HRP Negeri Sembilan lodges police report against UMNO,  PM Najib,  DPM and Higher Education Minister.
(Tamil Nesan Friday 3/6/2011 pg 2 and Malaysia Nanban Friday 3/6/2011 pg 9)


PSD seremban 1

PSD Seremban 2

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

HRP lodges report against PM Najib, DPM & Higher Education Minister on PSD Scholarships denied to Indian poor.

PM, DPM, Higher Education Minister
Fill in the blanks PSD scholarships. Year in and year out it is the same old set of UMNO racist facts.
Laporan Susulan:- TRAVERS/005189/10 (24/6/2010)
Police Report against- 31st May, 2011
Datuk Seri Najib Razak (Prime Minister of Malaysia)
Tan Sri Muyhiddin Yassin (Deputy Prime Minister and Education Minister)
Datuk Seri Mohamed Khalid Nordin (Higher Education Minister)
I, JAYATHAS A/L SIRKUNAVELU (IC.No: 670430-04-5341) Information Chief of the Human Rights Party Malaysia (HRP) hereby lodge a police report against the Prime Minister of Malaysia Datuk Seri Najib Razak, Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muyhiddin Yassin (Education Minister) and Higher Education Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khalid Nordin on the race based disbursements of JPA Scholarships, PTPTN study loans, Matriculation and University seats.IMG_6814
Article 8 of the Federal Constitution 8(1) provides that all persons are equal before the law and entitled to the equal protection of the law and Article 8(2) provides that there shall be no discrimination against citizens on the ground only of religion, race, descent of place of birth. Article 12 of the Federal Constitution – rights in respect of education. Article 12(1) read, "Without prejudice to the generality of Article 8, there shall be no discrimination against any citizen on the grounds only of religion, race and descent of place of birth." in the admission to any higher education institution that is government funded.
We hereby once again this year lodge this police report that there are an estimated 2,237 Malaysian Indian bright and intelligent students who scored up to 12A’s, 11A’s, 10A’s, 9A’s, 8A’s, 7A’s but who were denied their rights from receiving the 10,500 local and 1,500 overseas JPA scholarships, 40,000 Matriculation seats (Utusan Malaysia 2/11/08 page 4) and 847,485 Public University seats (NST 7/8/08) and also places in critical courses such as Medicine, Pharmacy, Dentistry, Engineering, Aeronautical Engineering, Accountancy, Law, Bio Technology etc. While Malaysian Indian students had been denied their rights, malay muslim student with a mere 2A’s and 3A’s are given places choices of their course and seats which is in contradiction with Article 8 and 12 of the Federal Constitution.
We hereby also lodge a police report that medical students studying in Russia, Romania, Ukraine, India and Indonesia have had their valid and lawful medical degrees maliciously derecognized on racial and supremacist grounds and with the intention of reducing the number of Malaysian Indian medical doctors when Malaysia is on the contrary facing a shortage of Medical doctors by 100%.
Government PTPTN study loans have also been denied to almost all Malaysian Indian students studying Medicine, Pharmacy, Dentistry, Law, Accountancy, Engineering, Aeronautical Engineering etc overseas and also even at the local Aimst University and other local private Universities and Higher Education Institutions.
IMG_6811The Certificate of No Objections requirement by the racist and supremacist UMNO led Malay-sian government for Malaysian Indian and Chinese students to study overseas is void, illegal, unconstitutional and an abuse of powers by the PM, DPM and the Higher Education Minister. We also question how and why then were 360 students allowed to study medicine in Egypt in 2007 with only their SPM qualifications (The Star 31/5/07).
From the RM 212 Billion 2011 Budget we call upon the UMNO led Malay-sian government to grant all 5As’ above students to be grant PSD Scholarships, Matriculation and Universities places as of right. And not limit it to only malay muslim students
For all students scoring 8As’ and above they must be granted PSD Scholarships and must be given the course of their first choice as of right.
All students including law students in private colleges locally and Medical students in Ukraine, Russia, Indonesia, India etc all be given PTPTN loans.
Finally we call upon the UMNO led Malaysian government to end all race and religious based award of PSD, Yayasan, Sime Darby, Petronas ect scholarships and PTPTN loan.END UMNO RACISM
We want the police to investigate PM Najib Razak, DPM Muyhiddin Yassin, the Higher Education Minister Mohamed Khalid Nordin and the UMNO led Malay-sian government on especially the violations of Article 8 and Article 12 of the Federal Constitution for denying the Malaysian Indian students of even their very basic right to education. This level of racism, religious extremism and supremacy does not exist in any other part of the world except in Najib Razak’s One Malay-sia. Today Malaysia is the most racist and supremacist country in the world.
Please investigate this and reply to me in writing within two (2) weeks failing which I shall assume the contents of this police report to be true.
This is my report
JAYATHAS A/L SIRKUNAVELU
Human Rights Party Malaysia (HRP)
Information Chief
012 6362287
police report PM JPA
police report PM JPA (1)

Indian youth (20) clobbered by racist Polis Raja Di Malay-sia: allowed to reign supreme by racist UMNO AG Gani Patail

24052011009-225x300
For causing all these injuries these policemen will not be prosecuted by the racist UMNO Attorney General Tan Sri Gani Patail. Simply because the criminal is a Malay muslim and the victim a soft target and vulnerable Indian poor.
24052011001-300x225 But if it is the other way round the Indian youth would have been prosecuted for attempted murder like what he did to the 40 or so Hindraf activists who on 25/11/20077 allegedly threw a stone and injuring a police man’s head. How can 40 24052011007-300x225 Indians have the common intention to attempt to murder one Malay muslim policeman can only happen in Prime Minister Najib Razak’s One Malay-sia.
(see Makkal Osai 25/5/2011 at 1st page)
Karunai Nithi @ Compassionate Justice
indian youth

Tuesday, May 31, 2011

HRP eyes six seats in Kedah

Of the six, five are state seats. The sole parliamentary seat targeted is Padang Serai, held by N Gobalakrishnan.
KUALA LUMPUR: The Human Rights Party (HRP) plans to contest in five state seats and one parliamentary constituency in Kedah which have 20% and above Indian voters.

The party’s secretary-general P Uthayakumar said the five state seats were Bukit Selambau (29.5%), Lunas (22.5%), Merbau (22%), Sidam (20%) and Gurun (18.4%).

The sole parliamentary seat was Padang Serai, currently held by former PKR strongman, N Gobalakrishnan.

“PAS is ruling by a majority of a mere two seats when compared to 14 seats held by Umno/BN and PKR having five seats, DAP one seat and one Independent in the 36-seat Kedah state assembly.

“So if HRP wins in these five state seats, they will be the real ‘kingmakers’ and can seriously push for change vis-a-vis the Kedah Indian poor at the highest political level,” said Uthayakumar.

He added that the Indian poor have to be politically empowered to effect changes at the highest political level as both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat have refused to address the pressing Indian problems.
Uthayakumar asked PKR, DAP and PAS to make way for HRP candidates in these six seats in Kedah for a one-to-one contest with BN.

“Unless and until the Indians are politically empowered like Dr Mahathir (Mohamad) in Kubang Pasu (95% Malay-Muslim voters) with at least the creation of 51% Indian majority constituencies under HRP’s ‘Project 15/38′, the Indian poor are doomed.

“They are destined to become the 19th century ‘negros’ as in the US,” he added.

HRP to contest five Kedah DUN & one Parliament. PAS ruling by 2 seat majority to UMNO: 350 attend Kulim dinner in recognition of 54 activists prosecuted.

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The event began at 8.00 p.m. with a one minute silence for the late Sg Petani Hindraf leader Raj Manian who passed away on 26/5/11, about one year after his opposing the demolishment of the near 0.9 hectares 100 over year old Ladang Batu Pekaka Hindu cemetery on 29/1/2010 (Thaipusam  day) by no other less than PAS “for all muslims” to  build the 832 acres University Insaniah. We have been made to understand that Raj took this “ethnic cleansing” very badly that contributed to his untimely death. The Chinese cemetery within the compound of UPM was however preserved when the Serdang Agriculture College expended to become UPM. And to add insult to injury tens of acres are being made into recreation for students and hundreds of acres were retained as the University Insamiah reserve land. So why the haste in exterminating this Hindu cemetery?
100_3374_thumbKedah HRP and Hindraf Chief R.Ramu spoke on how at the last general elections both the traditional Indian reserve DUN seats of Bukit Selambau and Lunas were refused to be given to Opposition Indian candidates but snatched up by the greedy and racist PKR just to field malay muslim “winnable” candidates. UMNO/BN at the very least stuck by giving these seats to Indian candidates.
Hindraf & HRP National adviser N.Ganesan spoke about how 12A+ top most science student Kugnethran a/l Parmusuan who could not have possibly scored any higher, was denied his first choice to pursue a medical degree (overseas) but instead was offered a mere Diploma in “cow grazing”.(animal husbandry) at UPM. How the racist UMNO reduces this p100_3378_thumbotential Cardiologist into a “cowherd”.
Further to HRPs’ Project 15/38, P.Uthayakumar outlined and announced before the 350 attendees, HRPs’ plan to contest in 5 State  Assembly ( DUN) seats in Kedah with 20% and above Indian voters namely:-
1) Bukit Selambau 29.5%
2) Lunas 22.5%
3) Merbau 22%
4) Sidam 20%
5) Gurun 18.4% (exception)
The sole Parliamentary seat in Kedah is Padang Serai (22.28%).HRPKedah54Dinner28thMay2011_thumb
P.Uthayakumar reiterated that this is the only way forward in facing the 13th General Elections which is expected in July 2011. He  pointed out that in Kedah, PAS is ruling by a majority of a mere two seats when compared to 14 seats held by UMNO/BN and PKR having 5 seats, DAP 1 seat and one Independent in the 36 seats Kedah State Assembly. So when HRP wins in these five DUN seats, they would be the real “kingmakers” and could seriously push for change vis a vis the Kedah Indian poor at the highest political level.
hrp-kedah-54-dinner-28thmay2011-9 This is like HRP’s decision to contest in seven (7) DUN seats of Buntong with 54% Indian voters, Hutang Melintang (33%), Jalong and Changat Jong each with 27%, Jelapang (21%), while Pasir Panjang and Sungkai each with 20% and three Parliamentary seats of Ipoh Barat 22.5% and Bagan Datoh 23.3% and Sungai Siput 22.6% that P.Uthayakumar had announced at a similar dinner in Ipoh on 14/5/11.
And similarly the Sri Andalas/ Kota Raja seats in Selangor, Port Dickson/ Teluk Kemang seats in Negeri Sembilan, Tanah Rata/Cameron Highlands seats in Pahang and Puteri Wangsa/ Tebrau seats in Johor as the first phase of HRPs’ Project 15/38 in seven (7) frontline states..
The Indian poor have to be politically empowered to effect changes at the highest politicalhrp-kedah-54-dinner-28thmay2011-12 level as both BN and PR have refused to address the pressing Indian problems.
P.Uthayakumar asked PKR,DAP & PAS to make way for HRP candidates in these 5+1 seats in Kedah for a one to one contest with B.N. as part of HRPs’ strategy in ousting UMNO from it’s 54 year old hegemony of Putrajaya.
Unless and until the Indians are politically empowered like Dr Mahathir in Kubang Pasu (95% malay muslim voters) with at least the creation of a 51% Indian majority constituencies under HRPs’ Project 15/38, the Indian poor are doomed. They are destined to become the 19th century “negros” as in the USA.
S.Jayathas
Information Chief
(012-6362287)

Polis Bodoh: Though true , Gani Patail maliciously prosecutes and jails Nur Shafa (20).

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Just watch CSI and you will see the high level quality and standards  of police investigations before even arresting, let alone throwing someone in jail.
But racist UMNO Prime  Minister Najib Razak’s One Malay-sian Polis Raja Di Malay-sia takes advantage of especially the Indian poor.
Having no money for bail, no legal fees for lawyers (with zero or a wayang kulit RM 5 million Legal Aid to 28 million Malaysians), no family support, thousands of the Indian poor are deemed guilty in the eyes the Malay-sian law and spend years in jails irrespective of whether they are guilty or not.
And then only to “graduate” as the real criminals having mixed with the real criminals.
And with this set of facts the Malay-sian government says that some 45% of the country’s  crime are committed by the  Indian poor when they form only 8% of the population (disproportionate by about 600%). Thus the UMNO creation or “social engineering” by default of the new “criminal class” Indians within the last 20 years.
Give these Indian youths equal business opportunities, licences, permits, projects and contracts and we will see at least a 95% drop in these Indian crimes.
(see The Star 30/5/2011 at page 20)
polis bodoh